One needs to accept the death of a loved one in order to survive. These films make a viewer to concentrate more on the cultural and personal meanings of death than on the medical definitions of it. First death: death of a person The birth of a monster is important narrative turn. In the living dead films a death is not the end. Instead it is a new beginning. David Skal has remarkably interpreted that all monsters can be seen as an expression of birth, whether it is weird or unnatural. The essence of person is lost and this essence appears to be the soul.
Soul marks the humanity, the body marks the animality. Dualistic separation brings the body and bodily instincts, such as hunger and sexuality, the dominant forces. The loss of soul is internal transformation, but as Roger Dadoun emphasizes, in the rebirth process the inner state of monstrousness becomes outer and concrete reality. She is a lively and passionate girl and easily seduced by Dracula. The first marks for forthcoming transformation can be seen even before the first death.
The external changes work as warning signs. The bodily marks are bite marks in the neck, paleness and growing fangs. Personality starts to change as well, and Lucy becomes openly lustily and aggressive. The first death finishes the transformation process and makes the changes irreversible.
Social death: grieving Transformation from human into monster is difficult situation to handle. Norbert Elias has remarked that death is a problem to the living, not to the dead.
The living have to find means to deal with death, loss and the anxiety they arouse. After being buried Lucy keeps rising from her grave and eats little children. The normal transition and grieving rites fail their task and death needs to be faced directly. Michael Mulkay talks of biological and social deaths. The first death has started a process where a person has to be declared to be both biologically and socially dead.
In the living dead films, death is a state of emergency and a challenge to the society and individuals. The exclusion process of death stands as a symbol for social death. Abject has been a part of a human being, but after separation from the subject it creates a threat to the identity and therefore it needs to be cut loose.
The corpse reminds of life and subject and denies them at the same.
The corpse becomes a source of mayhem and it must be excluded, often with violence. Before exclusion can take place, the protagonist and other characters need to accept the transformation of diseased. They must negotiate between their memories and abject. They wish to see Lucy, but in the end they do realize that the blood-sucking creature is not Lucy, but something else and they cut her head off.
Second death: end of existence The second death is end of exclusion process and end of existence. The extermination is a physical act. Because the vampire is not born naturally, it cannot be killed naturally. For example, ever since the days of folk tradition the vampire could be pierced with a wooden stick, burned or the head might be cut off.
Death has been replaced under societal control and separated from the normal life. Death as a threat to body, identity and society As a conclusion I claim that the living dead create a threat at least on three different levels. Firstly, they threaten the body, because they cause the bodies to transform into something unnatural.go site
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Secondly, they threaten the human identity because they replace sense with drives and instincts. On the one hand the narratives on these fascinating creatures criticize the social structure, limitations and humanity; on the other hand these narratives highlight the importance of status quo and social order. As Michael Pickering sees, the living dead may serve as ritualistic and symbolic process of exclusion of otherness. These films picture death as nightmarish and celebrate the living. Waller, The Living and the Undead. Outi Alanko Helsinki: Suomalaisen kirjallisuuden seura, , Gender and Horror Film, ed.
Skal, The Monster Show.
David Clark Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, , Outi Hakola is Ph. Complicated Grief Faced by the Families of Death Row Inmates: Obstacles to Effective Grief Therapy Sandra Jones Abstract The families of death row inmates experience unique grief and loss issues that have largely been neglected by scholars and clinicians alike. This study uncovers the meaning that lies within the specific forms of grief and loss experienced by family members who currently have a loved one on death row or have already lost their loved one to an execution.
The concepts of disenfranchised grief 1 and non-finite loss 2 are utilized to bring attention to the ways in which the circumstances surrounding an execution complicate the grieving process for the family members of those condemned to death. Obstacles to effective grief therapy for these family members are further examined and addressed within this study. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 50 family members of Delaware death row inmates.
The reactions of family members to having a loved one on death row are varied and complex, yet they include the following common responses: social isolation; loss of the assumptive world; intensified family conflict; diminished self-esteem; fragmented sense of security, trust, and meaning; guilt and shame; and a chronic state of despair. These symptoms create numerous barriers to these family members receiving effective grief therapy.
Key words: complicated grief, death penalty, disenfranchised grief, non- finite loss, grief therapy, death row inmates, execution. Introduction Anyone who has experienced the death of a loved one is likely to feel that their life has been complicated by their loss. Even under the best conditions, grieving is a complex and an individual process, yet there are particular types of deaths that make the grieving process even more complicated due to the circumstances surrounding the death.
While much of society may not see an execution as a violent death, the family members of death row inmates certainly view it as violent. This paper explores the effects of a death sentence and execution on family members of the accused, and their unique bereavement. The obstacles that interfere with these family members receiving effective grief therapy are further examined. This article not only provides insight into the complicated grief experienced by this population, but it also yields information that should prove crucial to mental health professionals who strive to address the clinical needs of these families.
Overview of the population In an effort to justify sentencing someone to death row, the prosecution and media must make the capital defendant appear subhuman and monstrous. Therefore, it can be difficult for the general public to realize that there are people who love the accused. To the extent that attention is even given to the family members of death row inmates, they are typically criminalized along with their loved one, rather than viewed as the productive members of society that they tend to be.
The pain of having a loved one on death row, and sometimes having to survive their execution, is excruciating.
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Several authors have conducted research with family members of death row inmates and have found among them high levels of social isolation, stigmatization, depression, and chronic grief. Smykla11 interviewed forty family members of eight death row inmates and found strong prolonged grief reactions among them that were distorted to the point that they significantly altered their personalities and lives. Sharp describes the stages of grief facing the families of the accused as BADD bargaining, activity, disillusionment, and desperation. Methods The primary source of data collection was qualitative interviews conducted with the family members of capital offenders.
The family members participated in a minute to several hour interview, which included questions that explored the nature of their grief as they have moved from the time of the arrest of their loved one throughout the various stages of the death penalty process. Topics that were explored include their relationship with the accused, changes in their family structure, and their interactions with the criminal justice system, the media, and their community.
Their mental health status was assessed as they were asked to discuss whether or not they have sought any mental health services to assist them through the grieving process. When they indicated that they have received mental heath services were asked to evaluate the effectiveness of such services. More often than not, the family members indicated that they have not received such services, thus these family members were asked a series of questions to assess the obstacles that prevented them from receiving mental health treatment. Participation observation served as a secondary source of data collection, as I visited the prison on numerous occasions to meet with the men on death row.
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The time I spent in the prison visiting area provided me with opportunities to observe the grief of the families. The moments leading up to, during, and immediately after the time that the families spend with their loved one on death row allowed me to observe the ways in which they cope with the realization of their loss and the intensity of their response 4. Sample The state of Delaware has a very small death row population, yet when the small size of the state is taken into account, the rate of executions is alarming.
For nearly a decade following the first execution in , after the death penalty was re-enacted within this state in , Delaware held the distinction of executing more people per capita than any other state in the United States. My sample includes 37 family members who are related to eleven of the sixteen men currently sitting on death row and 13 family members who are related to four of the fourteen men who have been executed since Delaware resumed executions in Non-finite loss The theory of non-finite loss contributes to our understanding of the ways in which factors associated with particular types of deaths complicate the grieving process.
Non-finite loss refers to those situations in which losses are slowly manifested over time, and often do not have an impending ending. It is loss that is continuous, and exacerbated by such things as milestones, which are not met by the affected individual. There are three conditions for non-finite loss. The first is that the loss must be continuous and often follows a major event. The second involves developmental expectations that cannot be met. This is well illustrated by examining the grief felt by parents of developmentally or physically disabled individuals.
These parents grieve when their children reach an age that carries significant milestones that cannot be obtained. Many of the factors associated with the specific deaths that complicate the grieving process of the mourners can also be found with non-finite losses. Disenfranchised grief The theory of disenfranchised grief contributes to our understanding of the ways in which particular antecedent and subsequent variables complicate the grieving process.
Disenfranchised grief occurs when a loss cannot be openly acknowledged, publicly mourned, or socially supported. Doka and others have found that when disenfranchised grief occurs, the emotions of the bereaved are intensified and healing becomes more difficult. In addition, the bereaved often experience high levels of distress, disorganization, and prolonged grieving.
The mourner who is disenfranchised from his or her grief is likely to face many of the same antecedent and subsequent variables that have been noted to occur with complicated grief. As a result of the social isolation that typically ensues from their loss, it is not uncommon for disenfranchised mourners to feel anger or ambivalence toward their deceased loved one.
Findings A. In all cases, the pain started after a specific event, the crime and subsequent arrest. There was a lot of grief. I guess its anguish, like your world has been snatched away. The sudden event then spawns what might be considered the most overarching experience for family members, which is the continuous nature of the loss. In terms of sheer years, the time between arrest and execution is often 10 years or more. Throughout the years, hearings and appeals occur frequently.
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